1. What are the differences between space, place and landscape?
1.1. "ethnospaces"
1.1.1. Appadurai (1990) "Disjuncture and difference in the global cultural economy": Appadurai rejects local/global binary opposition (itself a colonial imposition - "global" vs "local", "metropolitan" vs non-metropolitan") in favour of the "global cultural flow" - the movement of people, artefacts, ideas across national boundaries - A result of gloablisation. Cultural flows occur across five interdependent "landscapes" or dimensions that distinguish the fundamental - and growing- disjuncture between economy, culture, and politics.
1.1.1.1. These dimensions restructure "the means by which individuals establish personal and collective identities."
1.1.1.1.1. "Deterritorialistion"
1.1.1.2. ethnoscapes - flow of human migrations
1.1.1.2.1. Increases the complexity of notions of space, place and community, a single community can be dispersed across the globe. Stability communities bound by kinship, leisure, birth residence, and other filial forms still exist but these stabilities are warped by the realities of having to or desiring to disperse.
1.1.1.2.2. Appadurai (1991) “The landscape of group identity- the ethnoscape - around the world are no longer familiar anthropological objects, insofar as groups are no longer tightly territorialised and spatially bounded, historically self-conscious or culturally homogenous
1.1.1.3. technoscapes - flow and configurations of technology
1.1.1.4. financescapes - flow of money and global business networks
1.1.1.5. mediascapes - flow of cultural industry networks
1.1.1.6. ideoscapes - flow of ideas, images and their nexus
1.1.1.7. The common suffix -scape denotes these terms as being "perspectival constructs inflected…by the historical, linguistic, and political situatedness of different kinds of actors: nation-states, multinationals, diasporic communities, as well as subnational groupings and movements (whether religious, political or economic)," as well as "intimate face-to-face groups, such as villages, neighborhoods and families."
1.2. What is space
1.2.1. Space is a capacity/faculty/condition of social relationships
1.2.1.1. "Space is what people do, not where they are" - Jiminez (2003)
1.2.1.2. Olwig and Hastrup (1997) Space is a field of relations. Space is activated through a shifting field of social relationships
1.2.2. Spatial turn in the 1990s
1.2.2.1. Clifford (1997) and other transnationalist researchers shared a preoccupation with cultural sitting in space, focused heavily on people's relationship to the land and idioms of place in language
1.2.2.1.1. CRITIQUE
1.2.3. Durkheim (1915) - viewed space as a mode of classifying otherwise homogenous and undifferentiated territories
1.2.3.1. distinction between spaces occurs due to “the fact that different sympathetic values have been attributed to various regions”
1.2.3.2. Space is an intellectual tool used to bestow meaning on the world
1.2.4. Space is a territory
1.2.4.1. Henrietta Moore (1996) - space simply means "spatial order" the organisation of space
1.2.4.2. (e.g. Low 1996). space is the outcome of referential practices, whereby people 'refer' to the material and built world around them in multifarious and varying ways. These authors do vest actors with space-making capacities but ultimately circumscribe these capacities to the material base of the world
1.3. Place
1.3.1. Place is constructed
1.3.1.1. The debate about space/place echoes the debates about nature/culture
1.3.1.1.1. Baradian New Materialism
1.3.2. Oldwig and Hastrup (1997) Place as geographical, “represented territorially demarcated, culturally bounded, and neatly enclosed societies” vs space as a field of relations
1.4. Landscape
1.4.1. Tim Ingold's idea of the "taskscape" -
1.4.1.1. Tim Ingold argued that landscape develops through processes of temporality, that is time as it emerges in the unfolding of life through action -->This association between temporality and landscape was expressed by the term ‘taskscape’. Ingold’s aim in introducing this term was to bring landscape to life rather than reducing it to the pictorial stasis of the ‘world at rest’ (2017: 1) -->Defined as ‘the pattern of dwelling activities’ (Ingold 1993: 153), the taskscape is the array of practices that human and non‐human beings carry out in the temporal process of inhabiting their environment.
1.4.1.1.1. Temporality is to taskscape what rhythm is to the activities of musicians playing music. In this sense temporality is inherently social because it emerges within and along relationships, and at the same time it defines relationships; it involves attending to others and their activities and, it is hoped, resonating with them
1.4.1.1.2. As Ingold explains, this sociality certainly encompasses environmental relationships at large, including human responses to non‐living phenomena, such as tides, seasons, meteorological events and astronomic cycles (Ingold 2000)
1.4.1.2. The taskscape aimed to emphasise that landscape is not visual scenery to be contemplated or a material backdrop to social life, but is a temporal phenomenon entangled with the dwelling of its inhabitants
1.4.1.2.1. CRITIQUES
1.4.2. Soundscapes
1.4.2.1. Feld (1996) questions the sufficiency of visually-orientated enquiry into emplacement
1.4.2.1.1. He suggests that the multi-sensory nature of perceptual experience should logically require the multi-sensory conceptualization of place
1.4.2.2. Rice (2003) How a hospital sounds and resounds
1.4.2.2.1. A "lack of visual opportunities" within the hospital creates a sensory anaesthesia, therefore hearing becomes the "privileged sensory mode"
1.4.2.3. Link to - marking time with Israeli radio - Ritual notes
1.4.3. Sensescapes - emotion shapes attractions and avoidances - Ross (2004)
1.4.3.1. The subject as surveyor - The universal subject is one who has no temporal depth, no history. It is this universal subject who is presumed to 'read' space as though it were a cartographic representation; a map
1.4.3.1.1. “I argue that the difference between facticity and the conceptual in relation to representations of space lies at least in part in the primacy accorded the ocular and in the elision of time from representation.”
1.4.3.1.2. CNP shantie small shantie construction in SA housing 800 people in 180 dwellings Guide couldn’t understand why researcher was using paths as the basis for constructing a map, not the people who were met in each dwelling Map drawn enroute didn’t correspond to the guide’s knowledge Researcher attempted to impose a grid structure Disorientation was physical, emotional, cognitive
1.4.3.2. Movement is constrained by ideas of what is proper -- (Ardener, 1993: 5) these “principles of order” shape social life
1.4.3.2.1. Social rules of age and gender
1.4.4. Selwyn (1995) Landscapes of Liberation
1.4.4.1. Considering ideals about landscape in the context of the ideological processes associated with the formation of national identity in Israel
1.4.4.1.1. competing notions: 1) direct and working partnership with the land and the landscape In order to express humanity which had been limited in ghettos of russia 2) cognitive associations of land, landscape and nature with emergent/resurgent nation 3) socialist notion of the whole person realised through collective ownership and work
1.5. Nature/Culture debate
1.5.1. The relative contribution of nature/culture to human nature
1.5.1.1. Durkheim first established ‘sociology’ as separate from nature, anatomy and the natural environment. Established the “social” as a legitimate domain in its own right.
1.5.1.1.1. This was built on by Kroeber (1917) who suggested the term “super organic”. Posited that the “organic” had no relevance for the social, and no place in anthropology. “The dawn of the social… is not a link in any chain, nor a step in a path, but a leap into another plane” (Kroeber, 1917).
2. Biosociality
2.1. Rabinow (1996) Essays on the Anthropology of Reason - "biosocial connections" will "eventually emerge around infinitesimal, single-allele variations in our DNA"
2.1.1. biologically-based form of socializing called biosociality. Biosociality happens when people diagnosed with a disease or condition form a self-identity around the diagnosis. Those afflicted can reflect on themselves as a specific kind of person, find others with the same disorder, and even develop a sort of kinship with that group.
2.1.1.1. “New genetics will prove to be an infinitely greater force for reshaping society and life than was the revolution in physics, because it will be embedded throughout social fabric at the microlevel by medical practices and a variety of other discourses”
2.1.1.1.1. “If sociobiology is culture constructed on the basis of a metaphor of nature, then in biosociality, nature will be modeled on culture understood as practice” If nature can be known and then remade Then nature becomes artificial Culture becomes nature The divide ceases to exist
3. Situated biologies
3.1. Also important to not accept Catesian mind-body dualism as part of our situated/lock biologies
3.1.1. Lock's (2020) work on the embedded psyche
3.1.1.1. Rigorous bio–ethnography is called for with respect to this most pernicious form of toxic environment—that of inequality
3.1.1.1.1. Canada is home to roughly 1.2 million individuals who endorsed the category Aboriginal in a recent Canadian census. Well over half live in communities that continue to contend with the devastating legacy of settler colonialism, including entrenched poverty, toxic and septic environments, and invidious discrimination, manifested as so‐called mental health problems including substance dependence, depression, violence, and extraordinarily high rates of suicide, especially among young people, estimated in some Inuit communities to be six times the rate in other parts of Canada
3.2. Biological sciences produce real but partial pictures --Snapshots on a shifting and contingent reality
3.2.1. Example of fetus and ultrasound The technology creates the fetus as a phenomena by giving the impression of reality, agency, separateness by rendering the mother invisible
3.2.2. Link to Molian Praxiography
3.2.2.1. embedded work through careful observation of surgeons in a Scandinavian hospital - example of atherosclerosis
3.3. Refers to the way biological and social processes are immeasurably entangled over time
3.3.1. NB - does not refer to how medically scientific categories are historically and culturally constructed, not how measurable biological differences occur across populations
3.3.2. Lewontin (2003) are composed of a number of parts with different properties that are in dynamic interaction with one another …they change their shapes and properties during their lifetimes…In short: organisms are a changing nexus of a large number of weakly determining interacting forces (p39)
3.4. First in african american populations AA mothers are 2-3 times more likely to deliver low birth-weight babies Education, lifestyle, socioeconomic position account for only a small proportion of this difference Women who recently emigrated to the US are less likely to pre-term delivery of low birth-weight than same ethnicity born and raised in the US Increasing focus on genetic differences criticised by Nancy kreiger (2006) Greater genetic variation within than between ethnic groups Changes that have happened in connection of health of ethnic groups have taken place too quickly to be accounted for by genetics Subjective experience of racism is physically embodied Regardless of their socioeconomic level, African Americans who reported the experience of racial discrimination in three or more situations proved to be at more than three times the risk for preterm delivery as compared to women who reported no experience of racism “The biologic expression of race relations”
3.5. Menopause. Received wisdom is of a “disease-like state”, caused by declining estrogen levels, leading to it being likened to having a deficiency. Idea that biomedical knowledge about menopause was created on the basis of small samples of European and North American women. Even WHO reporting based on only white women. Reported emotional distress and physical symptoms. However, evidence that in other parts of the world, menopause is not a difficult transition. Hot flushes barely reported among Japanese women. No word for menopause, only climacteric
4. AIDS case studies
4.1. Idea that all the narratives surrounding the disease ignore the social inequities at the core of the epidemic (Fassin, 2007).
4.1.1. “did not evaluate how heavily the historical realities of racial disparities, gender inequalities, and production relations weigh in the spread of the disease, or look into what has happened to people in the mines and on the farms, in the townships and former homelands”.
4.1.1.1. Idea that the majority of third world AIDS victims not be treated when the most sophisticated, costly treatment is made available to sick persons in rich countries.
4.1.1.1.1. Note outrage when Martin Shkreli raised the price of HIV drug Daraprim from $13.50 to $750 in US in 2015.
4.2. Idea that there is a long tradition of care in SA which is not done by the nuclear family, because of labour migration. (Henderson, 2012).
4.2.1. ‘Domestic fluidity’ and ‘households stretched across space’.
4.2.1.1. Care is not a one-way process, instead “circulated between generations with mutual responsibilities”
4.2.1.1.1. Survival of young people who have been orphaned by AIDS has been due largely to the numerous of ways in which networks of kin have offered care in the face of death and other forms of social attrition.
4.3. Idea that membership to AIDS activism groups themselves can create networks of social care (Robins, 2006).
4.3.1. “new HIV-positive identities and social solidarities” Physical manifestation in the badge of pride.
4.4. dea that early HIV research explained differentials in epidemiology in West and Africa using behavioural tropes, with a lack of epidemiological evidence (Randall and Packard, 1991).
4.4.1. Sex ratio of HIV almost 1:1, unlike 13:1 male: female in West. Hypothesized to be due to heterosexual sexual practices, based on tropes about increased African promiscuity and appetite for sex.
4.4.1.1. Social scientists played a role in cementing this trope, cherry-picking examples of ‘risky’ behaviour.
4.4.1.2. Wholly ignored the socio-political environments which might lead to heterosexual transmission.
4.4.1.2.1. Low wages due to lobbying efforts on the part of employers. Low wages could not support families and so created almost continual separation.
4.4.1.2.2. Also, role of immunosuppressant co-morbidities: TB, malnutrition, malaria.
4.4.1.2.3. Also, role of unsterilized needles. Due to lack of resources for cleaning, disposable needles, electricity shortages etc…
4.5. Differences in AIDS epidemic progression in Uganda vs. Botswana. (Allan and Heald, 2004)
4.5.1. Since the early 1990’s, HIV prevalence and rates of new infection in Uganda have been stable or in decline. During the same period, rates in Botswana have rapidly increased.
4.5.1.1. In Uganda: Campaign included messages like “love faithfully” and “zero-grazing”. Backed up by catholic church. Made Museveni very popular with US republicans, from whom he gained a lot of funding. Decline in casual sex, specifically the later age of first sexual encounter for girls. Campaigns involved a variety of institutions and individuals, both inside and outside of the government sector. Impetus due to mostly rural economy, making preservation of workforce important.
4.5.1.2. In Botswana: Reactions to the heavy pushing of condom campaigns by church groups and parents and elders were negative. Condom use was pushed often before people had any experience of the disease, leading to it being known as ‘radio disease’ and being attributed to a disrespect for the mores of traditional culture. International actors withdrew due to growth in GDP, leaving AIDS responsibility to national government. Botswanan economy is not dependent on labour (being predominantly a diamond producing country) so impetus for eradication was low.